The answer may seem evident to many, but in Moldova this question eco slim batidos been spoiling the seasonal cheer for almost two decades.
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There are three kinds of Christmas revelers in that small nation on the edge of Europe—followers of the Moldovan Orthodox Church who celebrate on January 7 according to the old Julian calendar; pro-Westerners and followers of the Romanian Orthodox Church who celebrate on December 25 according to the new Gregorian calendar; and those who compromise by having a double Christmas celebration. Then there are the communists, who don't observe Christmas at all and exchange gifts on New Year's Eve around a secular fir tree.
Since the Soviet collapse, Moldovans have been quarreling on flat burly fat burner pop hyit best date to mark the nativity. This year is no exception. A decision by the new Western-leaning government to make December 25 an official holiday, in addition to January 7, has angered the Moldovan Orthodox Church and stirred fresh debate about the country's often conflicting ties with Russia and Romania. His unprecedented move sparked outrage among liberal Moldovans, including Chisinau's mayor, the pro-Western Dorin Chirtoaca, who defied the official ban by putting up a Christmas tree in the city center on December 9.
Police removed the tree overnight and blocked off the site. This year, Voronin is no longer president, and Christmas trees went up unhindered across the country in time for Western-style celebrations. But the government's decision to make December 25 a public holiday was a step too far for the Moldovan Orthodox Church, which is loyal to the powerful Moscow Patriarchate. The church lashed out at authorities, saying the decision caused "bewilderment" among the faithful and demanding that it be scrapped.
Prime Minister Vlad Filat made it clear he had no intention of backtracking. We are surprised by their change of attitude and their behavior. But everyone has his own priorities. The government's priority is to make sure that the rights and liberties of all Moldovan citizens are respected. Its position on the matter is a lot more indulgent—for years, it has catered to both camps by holding two separate Christmas services.
Many of its priests disapprove of the Moldovan church's forceful stance and accuse it of using the issue to boost its authority.
After all, those who celebrate according to the old calendar on January 7 and 8 can continue to do so. These days are not taken away from them.
It's very easy to create problems and political games by playing on the feelings of believers. In predominantly Orthodox countries like Russia, Georgia, or Serbia, the church has come to play a decisive role in public life as politicians increasingly turn to religious leaders for guidance—and, often, voter support. Ina weekly Georgian magazine "Kviris Palitra" named him Man of the Year after he won 53 percent of votes in a popular poll.
President Mikheil Saakashvili garnered only 8. In May, thousands of opposition activists called on the patriarch following weeks of protests in a bid to obtain his political blessing. Despite his criticism of Saakashvili, he stopped short of publicly backing the opposition.
Ilia has been particularly critical of Saakashvili's failure to avoid last year's war with Russia over the pro-Russian rebel region of South Ossetia. Ilia nonetheless agreed to act as Saakashvili's political envoy during a December visit to Moscow, where he attended the funeral of Russian Orthodox Patriarch Aleksy and met with President Dmitry Medvedev.
A humble Saakashvili publicly thanked him for accepting what he called a "diplomatic mission" to convey Georgia's stance on South Ossetia to the Kremlin.
Last month, his government even moved to defend the patriarch's dignity after online flat burly fat burner pop hyit mocking him sparked national outrage. The Interior Ministry summoned the two teenage authors of the video, and eventually let them go after what they described as a rough questioning.
Perhaps nowhere are the bonds between state and church as palpable as in Serbia, where the death of Patriarch Pavle in November was marked with overwhelming pomp not seen since the death of Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito.
The year-old Serbian patriarch was widely respected for his humility, although he was also blamed for failing to openly condemn Serb ultranationalism. Secular In Writing Authorities declared a national three-day period of mourning, shutting down offices and schools.
Critics said this violated the constitution, which defines Serbia as a secular state. Ljubisa Rajic, a philosophy professor based in Belgrade, says the Serbian government is secular only in writing. The only question is how far this process will go," Rajic says. He described the patriarch's passing as a "personal loss" and said he had often consulted with him about important national decisions. Authorities also allowed crowds of mourners to file past the patriarch's body and kiss his forehead, flouting strict guidelines issued earlier by slimming magneți de la picioare government to prevent a swine flu epidemic.
Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, were executed by a firing squad on this day. Valentin Ceausescu described his father as removed from reality in the hours before a rally organized to show support for the Stalinist leader turned against him, forcing him to flee the capital and leading to his overthrow.
Ceausescu suggested that his father's advisers kept him in the dark and led him to misjudge popular anger over his misrule, and that his father instead blamed the Soviet Union for trying to overthrow him. Most of the deaths occurred between Dec. Ceausescu said he would have preferred to see his father killed immediately because hundreds of innocent lives were lost in the interim.
As other Communist regimes collapsed in Eastern Europe, traditionally tolerant Romanians rose up, angered by years of draconian rationing as the dictator tried to pay off the country's foreign debt. Meat, cooking oil and butter were severely limited and blackouts were common.
In winter, Bucharest was the communist bloc's gloomiest capital, its potholed streets gripped by ice and darkness. When the elder Ceausescu heard that the revolt that began in Timisoara on Dec. He said he followed his parents' trial on television while he was under arrest for undermining the state economy.
Flat burly fat burner pop hyit didn't feel they were my parents," he said softly of the trial and its aftermath, including stark black-and-white televised images of his parents slain by a firing squad.
It was a mess the way it developed," Valentin Ceausescu said, chain-smoking Lucky Strikes and drinking unsweetened espresso in a hotel bar. This is the price we have to pay for a peaceful transition, although we cannot say that we had a peaceful start in Romania. Unlike other former communist countries, here we paid in blood and a lot of sacrifice for change. However, the process of change slowed down afterwards flat burly fat burner pop hyit if we want to maintain this peaceful transition, then we have to admit that we cannot move further at a faster pace.
Unfortunately, we still see a communist drive opposed to the change of political regime. But can we still uphold this continuity of regime change? Twenty years on, communism continues to exist. We still cannot tell the right from the left. The communists are everywhere, you can recognize them by their day-to-day civic mentality. We all know that that generation of the chosen people who left from Egypt did not reach the Promised Land. I see the anniversary of the Revolution not as a festive celebration or opportunity for hero worshipping, but a commitment to continue the process we started 20 years ago.
Let us not be overcome by the other type of continuity, the continuity of communism. I am very skeptical myself regarding two things. First of all, regarding the progress made by school and education.
Secondly, I am not at all optimistic about the situation of civil society today. What we call civil society consists in fact of different clubs and circles and it is infested, just like political parties, by the presence of people who have nothing civil in them. And when I say that civil society is one of the great losers of these 20 years, after being the great victor at first, what I have in mind is a lack of solidarity and the lack of an impact in society.
We should praise simplicity, because the story known as the Romanian revolution was flat burly fat burner pop hyit simpler in its details, the details that are often left out by the Anemia provoacă pierderea în greutate broadcasts and newspapers.
I have become more and more embarrassed when we speak about the coup-volution, which is a typically Romanian coinage, a nod to a word introduced by Timothy Garton Ash, refolution, that is a combination of revolution and reform. Despite all mysteries and miracles, I still think it was a revolution.
The more accurate the memory, the less likely Romanians will be to repeat the terrible lesson of communism.
The dictator Nicolae Ceausescu fled. Millions rejoiced. But, as Petru Clej reports, there are still many questions unanswered over what happened next. Some say that despite appearances, it was not even a people's revolution—more a coup d'etat by a powerful elite.
Mr Maries is still eager for the truth to emerge 20 years after the toppling of the communist dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu, in a bloodbath that ended a year of otherwise peaceful revolution in Europe.
Nearly people were killed during the night of December, after a desperate attempt by Ceausescu's henchmen to stave off the tide of protests just a stone's throw away from the headquarters of the Communist Party's central committee. There, the beleaguered dictator was holed up with the last of his loyal supporters.
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Organised chaos Mr Maries, 47, is head of the 21 December association, a group of surviving revolutionaries from that night.
Paradoxically, it is not the events before 22 December—the date when Ceausescu fled the central committee building, only to be caught, put on trial in a kangaroo court and executed three days later—which attracts Mr Maries' attention, but what happened afterwards. Of about 1, people killed during the revolution, more than died after that date, when the National Salvation Front FSNheaded by Ion Iliescu, had taken the reins of power.
Mr Maries does not accept the official story of those days—that, following the overthrow of the government, "terrorist" members of the Securitate the communist secret policewere fighting in desperation to save Ceausescu. For him, the revolution was hijacked, and the bloodshed stirred up by members of the former regime—a form of organised chaos, designed to legitimise their seizure of power. Mr Iliescu, who was elected president of Romania inandspending 11 years as head of state, has little time for Mr Maries' allegations, dismissing his credibility altogether.
Mr Iliescu has always said was a real revolution and that the bloodshed was the result of the power vacuum created by Ceausescu's fall. Recently, Mr Voi pierde în greutate după oprirea alăptării scored a victory, albeit partial, in his year struggle to have the facts revealed. After 74 days of hunger strike the prosecutor general's office sent him documents from the criminal investigation into Mr Iliescu and other leaders of the FSN.
Some of these cases have been dragging on for nearly 20 years. Even so, it was only when Mr Maries persisted with his hunger strike that they agreed. But why are these documents so important? He cites one of the statements in which, he says, an army commander said he had orders "from above" to destroy the Bucharest Central University Library, in order to create the image of heavy fighting.
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Ion Iliescu was elected three times as president Mr Maries says he is hopeful that the criminal inquiry will now make important headway. But, two months after he ended his hunger strike, the prosecutor in charge of the initial inquiry has still not been re-appointed, and some government offices—the defence ministry and special communications department formerly a branch of the Securitate —have still not handed over their documents.
There are many who doubt that the prosecutor, Dan Voinea, even if he were reappointed, could manage to translate this conspiracy theory into viable indictments against Mr Iliescu and flat burly fat burner pop hyit associates after more than 20 years.
And Mr Maries says there is not a huge appetite in Romania to rake over the past. But very few Romanian journalists showed any interest at all," he says.
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Mr Maries fears the authorities will find a way to bury the investigation, but he refuses to give up his fight. On the 20th anniversary of the Romanian revolution, Mr. Movila, 27, offers a portrait of his country—a land of winter, Orthodox faith, class divide and industrial decay. For most Romanians, Mr. Movila said, the economic promise of the revolution has proven hollow. Industrial work, where it continues at all, uses Communist-era technology, he said.
Many factories have been abandoned.
There is hardly a middle class, leaving masses of poor people in the countryside. An abandoned factory. He tells the story of Romania as much through what is absent—young men, modern industry, summer, color—as through what is there.
Movila said. This is the feeling of my Romania. Child suicide has risen, he said. Few Romanians are nostalgic for the Ceausescu era, he said, but many miss having a job.
Still, some facets of rural life move forward. Trains, though outdated and unreliable, move the poor from place to place. Sundays draw the faithful to Orthodox churches week after week. As the son of a Communist-era train conductor turned railway entrepreneur, Mr. Movila has experienced both privation and privilege. Museum exhibit about Ceausescu. On Dec. They dragged a wardrobe to block the door and shaded the windows with blankets.
For five or six days they hid.